The leader of Bulgaria's controversial ultra-nationalist party Ataka took his presidential campaign message to villages in the Rila mountains. Sofia Echo News Editor PETAR KOSTADINOV and Features Editor MAGDALENA RAHN were along for the ride, with notebook and camera.

"So far, I have voted only for the communists, but now that we have Volen, I am voting only for Ataka," says a 60-year-old man, minutes before Volen Siderov, leader of the ultra-nationalist Ataka party and its presidential candidate, arrives in Samokov on October 8.

The event in the small town, 75km from Sofia on the way to Borovets winter resort, was part of Siderov's campaign for the October 22 presidential elections.

The meeting with Samokov's Ataka supporters was in the town's community centre.

The weather was in keeping with Siderov's image as the man who would lead Bulgaria's angry and disappointed people in their march to power. It was grey and gloomy and raining, and it was raining a lot.

Despite the unusual hour - noon on Sunday - people started arriving the hall 30 minutes before the appointed starting time.

It all had something of the small country town where everybody knows each other, and you could see that turning out for Siderov was something more than a political event.
As the hall filled with people, it became apparent that grey was not only the shade of the weather outside - it was also the hair colour of at least 99 per cent of the audience. A reflection, in a way, of Siderov's entirely white hair, despite his only being 50.

Just as everyone had taken their seats, word spread that Siderov would be 20 minutes late. For some, it was a chance for a quick smoke outside in the rain. For others, it was a chance to exchange thoughts on the current political and social situation in Bulgaria.

"I just want to see a Roma guy here; we were under Ottoman rule for 500 years, and we will not let the Turks rule us again," another old man told his neighbour.

When asked how many Roma people were resident in Samokov, he said: "I do not know, not so many". He found it difficult to explain his negative attitude towards them.

An old woman expressed concern that there were so few young people present. Not only did they make up only about 30 out of 300 people attending (estimated on the basis of the number of seats in the hall), took the seats in the back where they were less visible.

The real fuss, however, was at the front door and on the steps.

Two cameramen had taken up their posts. One was from cable SKAT TV, the channel closely affiliated with Ataka, where Siderov has a daily 15-minute slot.

As has become the custom for receiving VIPs in Bulgaria, a young girl awaited Siderov with gifts of bread and salt.

Two middle-aged women, apparently from Siderov's headquarters, handed out election brochures detailing Siderov's promises about how he would change the system.

A very old man was trying to make his way to the door to get a better position. Asked why, he flourished a sprig of Edelweiss, rarely found in these parts, dried between the pages of a book. "It's for Volen," he said, warm emotion in his eyes.  

Finally the moment came. Three cars stopped on the street. Middle-range sedans, notwithstanding any expectations of something more grandiose. Two white, one black. Siderov jumped out of the black one. Immediately a Bulgarian flag was waved by one of the onlookers, people started shouting Siderov's first name, encircling him for a lucky touch.

At the door he saw the fresh, wholesome bread. "Hmm, it looks good," he said, and took a bite. It was clear that he had become accustomed to this kind of reception.

Then came the moment for the old man with the flower. "What's this, a flower. Thanks, it is a very nice gesture, I appreciate it," Siderov told the man, accepting the small flower. It was clear he had made a devotee's day.

A storm of hands in the air and people shouting "Volen" welcomed Siderov when he entered the hall. It took him 10 minutes to reach the stage, which was decorated with white, red and green balloons, the colours of the Bulgarian flag.

Siderov was joined by Ataka's candidate for vice president, Pavel Shopov, and local Ataka leaders.

A banner was put in place behind Siderov and a podium was waiting for him.

After the crowd calmed down, Shopov took the stand to speak, but after five minutes he gave way to give the crowd what they had come to see.

"I know you want Volen, so here he is," Shopov said.

Again hands went up, the flag was waved and Bulgarian anthem was played.

Then Siderov started speaking. With a purpose. His speech lasted more than 45 minutes. He was fortunate that the hall had seats, otherwise it would not have been possible for some of the "true old fans" to take a short nap once in a while. Siderov spoke without notes. It was clearly a well-rehearsed campaign trail speech that covered every controversial area in Bulgaria's politics. Siderov matched point by point the text of the election brochures distributed to the crowd minutes before his arrival. 

Siderov promised everything.

"I will get rid of the current non-Bulgarian and irresponsible Government; I will abolish all unfair laws; I will initiate referendums; I will get rid of all corrupt prosecutors and judges; I will save Kozloduy nuclear power plant; I will protect Bulgarian entrepreneurs after we join European Union; I will set up a special unit investigating what was stolen from the Bulgarian people, and return it; I will grant immediate citizenship to all Bulgarians living abroad; I will renounce the treaty about US military bases in Bulgaria; I will cancel all people's debts to the state as a result of the unfair laws and actions of the current state administration." People heard him in concentrated silence, without interruption.

At one point, the banner fell. For a second, the microphone went dead. A balloon burst. But Siderov went on as if nothing could distract him. He was unstoppable. However, people were just listening, without shouting or applauding.

Things could not proceed in this way, and Siderov went big.

"I will ban the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) as illegal (the MRF is led and supported mainly by Bulgarians of Turkish descent and has been part of the previous and current coalition governments); I will demand the $10 billion leva that Turkey has owed to Bulgaria since the 1913 war; I will ban the news in Turkish from the air of the public Bulgarian National Television." This last promise hit the jackpot. People jumped up from their seats and started shouting "Volen - President" for five minutes. Then, time was up and Siderov thanked the people, and left the stage, with no chance for questions. But no one complained. After 10 minutes of handshakes, Siderov jumped into his car and went off.

A young woman who had brought her small child was asked what she liked best about Siderov's speech.

"I liked everything, everything, I cannot say something in particular," she said. The same answer came from an old lady who was very excited after the meeting. 

On the way back, as we were passing the crossroads near the village of Beli Iskar, we saw an old priest waiting alone in the rain for the bus.

"Let's give him a ride," my colleague suggested.

Father Stanoi, as he introduced himself, must have been in his late 80s. He was the priest in the nearby Mala Cherkva village and his white beard and black clothes were of the manner to inspire respect. Breaking in to his conversation on another subject, I asked him whether he had picked his candidate for president.

"You know, they are all the same to me," he said in a tone appropriate to a servant of God, and then he said: "But I think Ataka would make things all right".