Plovdiv, Varna, Bourgas and Kurdjali are the four cities besides Sofia that attract the most attention when it comes to municipal elections in Bulgaria. In the past nine years, the four cities and their mayors have set the pace of local politics in Bulgaria, showing that Sofia is not Bulgaria, and that local politics has little in common with what happens on a government level. The Sofia Echo’s News Editor PETAR KOSTADINOV reports.
PLOVDIV
the last bastion of the right-wing
The municipal elections in 1999 were swept along by the momentum of the events of 1997 when voters rallied by the right-wing Union of Democratic Forces (UDF) forced the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) government to resign after a severe economic crisis.
In Plovdiv, it was no surprise when in 1999 the UDF nominee became mayor. Anaesthetist Ivan Chomakov inherited the mayoral chair from his fellow party member Spas Garnevski with a predictable first-round victory. Chomakov won 53.63 per cent, defeating BSP-backed architect Valentin Marinov who gathered 27.4 per cent. Marinov, together with the BSP-supported nominees in Varna and Bourgas, set a new trend in the country’s political life: that of “independent” candidates, who were supported in 99 per cent of the cases by the BSP which was trying to shape a new image after the 1997 disaster.
The year 1999 was important for Chomakov because he emerged as a strong leader at local level. Unlike his predecessor Garnevski, Chomakov managed to resist the temptation of getting a slice of the pie that was the1997-2001 UDF government, and in 2003 he stood for a second term. These elections were the first real test for a number of right-wing mayors such as Chomakov, for the simple fact that the UDF had lost the 2001 parliamentary elections. This was Chomakov’s moment. For the past four years, Chomakov had stayed out of the focus of national politics, concentrating on Plovdiv issues. This reaped political dividends for him. The right-wing idea had deep roots in Plovdiv and while the UDF was splitting into three parties in Sofia, Chomakov remained loyal to the original UDF that dated from 1999. This won him not only the respect of Plovdiv citizens but also the affections of right-wing supporters throughout Bulgaria. Chomakov won the second round by 34 per cent against the BSP’s Zahari Georgiev.
In the next four years, however, the crisis within the right-wing deepened and Chomakov found himself one of the few remaining in association with the original UDF. His charisma was so strong that in 2007, when a new chairman of the UDF had to be elected, Chomakov’s name emerged as the most popular among UDF supporters in Bulgaria. Once again, Chomakov remained loyal to Plovdiv and refused to enter the UDF leadership race. When everybody thought that his candidacy for a third consecutive term was inevitable, Chomakov once again showed that he chooses his own path. A few months before this year’s elections, Chomakov said he would not stand for a third term, citing a lack of support for right-wing parties in Plovdiv. What had sustained him in Plovdiv’s politics for years had now turned against him. His former fellow party members from 1999, now split into three parties, had sided with others. Chomakov is probably the first mayor of a large Bulgarian town to have withdrawn from the race at a time when his party is not in power.
On October 28, Plovdiv citizens have a choice among three major candidates. The first is Slavcho Atanasov, current mayor of Plovdiv’s Trakia neighbourhood, nominated by Sofia mayor Boiko Borissov’s Citizens for the European Development of Bulgaria party (GERB). According to Sova Harris polling agency, Atanansov will most certainly reach the second round of the elections. Zahari Georgiev of the BSP will once again try to win the post after losing to Chomakov in 2003, but Sova Harris puts him second after Atanasov. Nikola Karastoyanov, the candidate of the once strong and powerful right-wing parties, comes only third.
VARNA
Yordanov’s town
It seems that the only candidate that could defeat current Varna mayor Kiril Yordanov is Yordanov himself. A Varna-born lawyer, Yordanov is standing for a third consecutive term in office after emerging as one of the most powerful and popular leaders at local level. He has emulated some of Chomakov’s moves by spurning the turmoil of national politics to concentrate all his efforts in Varna.
Unlike Chomakov in 1999, Yordanov was on the other side of the barricades. Although Yordanov has never been a member of a political party, in 1999 he stood for mayor in Varna as an independent, but with the endorsement of the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP). In 1999 Yordanov’s chances of success were considered minimal. He was up against the then regional governor of Varna, Dobrin Mitev, who had the support of the party in power: the UDF. Mitev, it seemed, would simply have to wait for the end of election day to take occupation of his new office in the former communist party house in Varna.
Mitev had everything: support for the UDF, the money for a lavish campaign, and the still strong anti-BSP mood in the country. In 1999, however, the country was still recovering from the 1997 economic crisis, and the lavish election campaign of Mitev who literally put his own poster on every street in the city was not received well by Varna citizens. Yordanov led a small-scale campaign, going door-to-door. This won him a place in the second round against Mitev, and a subsequent victory by 10 000 votes. It was a win that nobody expected, even the BSP. This was how Yordanov’s career as one of the most successful mayors in Bulgaria started. Like Chomakov, he concentrated only on the city and its issues. From the moment Yordanov stepped into office, he started working for re-election. He concentrated on the visible: fixing potholes, putting lamps on the streets and keeping them working, cleaning the streets and getting the central city area into a shape appropriate for Bulgaria’s main Black Sea city.
His opponents had often accused him in close connections with the Varna-based industrial group TIM. They alleged that because of this, TIM had become the ultimate force in Varna’s development through the group’s hotels, bars, restaurants and factories. Yordanov routinely responded that he was always open to the private sector to co-operate for the benefit of Varna. For Varna people, however, it was more important that their streets were clean and there were lights everywhere. This led to Yordanov’s easy victory in the 2003 municipal elections, where he won at the first round by 60.9 per cent against Yani Yanev of the National Movement Simeon II, now called the National Movement for Stability and Progress. Again Yordanov took the challenge as an independent but supported by the BSP.
The 2003 elections in Varna set a new trend in Bulgaria’s local politics, the emergence of the so-called local business parties and citizens’ movements. Formed by some of the town’s most powerful business people, these parties advertised themselves knowing how to work for the benefit of citizens by combining their business experience, punting this an advantage over the traditional political parties. In most cases, however, behind such business parties stood people with controversial reputations, one being Vesselin Danov who stood for mayor in 2003. Danov, son of a much-respected former interior minister and former chairman of the Constitutional Court Hristo Danov, had been in jail for currency offences back when Bulgaria was under communism. Danov became famous in 2007 by taking part in the popular reality show VIP Brother. He did not win in 2003, but managed to get himself on to the city council, which turned into a wonderful opportunity for him to have a close eye on what was happening in Varna’s public life by taking part in the voting session of the council. In 2007, “business” parties are again a phenomenon in the elections, following the example of Danov’s experience. With two successful terms under his belt, it was no surprise when Yordanov stood for a third term, again as an independent candidate with the support of the BSP. His immense popularity has forced all polling agencies to predict that he will win these elections. The only doubt is whether he will do so on the first round. His popularity, however, might be his weak spot since in the past nine years, Yordanov has not met serious resistance from anyone and as one political scientist said, “if he becomes too lazy in his campaign he might suffer the experience of Dobrin Mitev in 1999”. Another factor that could act against Yordanov is that the local Varna media bestow on him unrelentingly favourable coverage, a trend that has long since become rather obvious, and which people in the city attribute to the ubiquitous influence of TIM.
BOURGAS
the rebellious mayor
Bourgas has much in common with Varna. The two are the biggest Black Sea cities in Bulgaria, attracting millions of tourists each year, along with the concomitant cash flow. Both have mayors who are standing to renew their terms, both supported by the BSP. Unlike Varna, however, the situation in Bourgas is probably the most complicated in the country, with current mayor Yoan Kostadinov (no relation) facing strong competition. In fact, the political careers of the two Black Sea BSP city mayors, Kiril Yordanov and Kostadinov, have been quite different. The biggest difference is that Kostadinov has been in power for the past 12 years. His first win in 1995 was not a surprise since his BSP was in power. From his first steps, however, Kostadinov showed that he will not be just another of BSP loyal follower. He was among the first public officials to openly criticise the then prime minister Zhan Videnov and the policy led by the BSP in 1996. This earned him a lot of resistance within his party. This rebellious behavior secured him a second term in 1999 when the BSP was out of favour. Although there was new and powerful UDF government, Kostadinov won on the first round with a large majority over the UDF candidate. His frequently arrogant attitude towards all prime ministers at the time turned Kostadinov into somewhat of a local media star.
He was quickly labelled by Bulgarian-language media as the rebellious mayor who did not mind getting into open conflicts with everyone in power, from his own BSP to any other party, as long as he is sure that Bourgas citizens will benefit. In 2003, Kostadinov’s charisma was strong enough to win a third consecutive term although he had to take “the challenge” of going to a second round. These were the first elections where Kostadinov stood as an independent candidate. The differences with his party were too big and the BSP thought they could win against Kostadinov by throwing in a BSP candidate. The BSP failed disastrously, not even getting to the second round where Kostadinov met Ivan Vitanov from the National Movement Simeon II. Kostadinov won by almost 60 per cent of the votes on the second round, which gave him enough reasons to feel invincible. The BSP protested against Kostadinov’s win, but for everyone it was clear that Bourgas was still Kostadinov’s town.
In 2007 things have changed. Twelve years in power inevitable makes you part of the status quo and an easy culprit for all that has not been achieved. Bourgas has developed well under Kostadinov’s rule, but it is obvious to everyone that the city lacks the development of Varna or nearby Nessebar in terms of investments. Moreover, Kostadinov’s biggest problem is that he does not advertise his work and does little in terms of giving the public an account of what he has done in the past 12 years, something at which Yordanov has become very good.
On October 28, Kostadinov will face competition from Dimitar Nikolov of GERB, supported by other right-wing parties. Polling agencies give Nikolov a fair chance of winning at a second round against Kostadinov. Moreover, as in Varna, the business party phenomenon has appeared in Bourgas, with local businessman Vaklin Stojkovski standing against Kostadinov.
KURDJALI
the ethnic issue
Even though Kurdjali is relatively small, with no more than 70 000 residents, the Rhodope town probably leads the stakes in ethnic tensions mounting every time elections approach.
In an area mainly populated by Muslim Bulgarians of Turkish decent, the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF), which always presents itself as representing their interests, has long won supremacy in local government. The MRF has been in power on a national level in government coalitions since 2001. Currently the party is part of the coalition Government together with the BSP and the NMSP. The controversial, and often scandalous and arrogant, behaviour of some MRF members has turned the party into an easy target for every party leader seeking the nationalistic vote. A statement by MRF leader Ahmed Dogan in 2005 made live on national TV that the MRF “as any other party has a circle of close companies working with it,” further fuelled allegations of corruption thrown at the MRF members. Kurdjali has more than one religious community, and parties supported by non-Muslim Bulgarians have long seen it as a matter of honour to win control of the city from current MRF mayor Hassan Azis who is standing for a second term. While in previous years such efforts lacked organisation and unity, this year parties describing themselves as MRF opponents tried to put up joint resistance to the MRF. In early summer, talks were held on coming up with a joint candidate that will gather the support of all Bulgarian Christians against Azis. But the major parties again failed to reach an agreement, and now Azis will confront not one strong and viable candidate but three candidates: Nikola Pashinov, from the citizens movement “For Kurdjali”, Stefan Chanev from GERB and Agop Ouzounbohosyan, supported by the right-wing parties in town. Polling agencies say that this means victory for Azis. It seems that it has never been the MRF that won the previous elections in Kurdjali, but it has been the other political parties who had lost them, given the statistics that say there are equal numbers of Christians and Muslims living in Kurdjali.
