For 45 years self-criticism was a favourite device of the former Bulgarian Communist Party to make people feel responsible for their actions, regardless of their gravity. It was so widespread as a form of political indulgence that standing up in front of fellow party members and acknowledging imperfections became something of a BCP trademark.

Something similar occurred at the 47th congress of the senior partner in the ruling coalition, the Bulgarian Socialist Party, the BCP’s direct successor.

Day one
In almost an hour-long report on the first day of the congress on November 22, held in Bulgaria’s largest assembly hall – Sofia’s National Palace of Culture (NDK) – Prime Minister and BSP leader Sergei Stanishev talked passionately about the BSP’s achievements over the past three years. He also alluded to the success it will continue to have if it secures a second term in next year’s general elections. Among the successes he hailed were increases in pensions, maternity leave, minimum salaries and average public sector salaries as well as the increase in teachers’ pay after four months of protests last year.

But in good BCP tradition alongside the trumpeting of achievements came a line of self-criticism. He said that, despite these advances, Bulgaria was still the poorest country in the European Union two years after becoming a full member and that the party was still in debt to society. On a personal level, Stanishev said that when he became prime minister in 2005 at the age of 39, he felt somewhat ill-prepared and disorientated. But the party’s trust in him had built up his self-confidence and enabled him to enter and lead tough battles. He admitted making mistakes but said that, overall, he had done a good job.

The delegates’ response to Stanishev’s report was the best a party leader could ask. Not only he was the only candidate for the post of chairman of the national council of the party but he won 809 of the 853 votes – or 97.47 per cent – and with that another four-year term as BSP leader. Comments that such a vote resembled that of former communist dictator Todor Zhivkov were dismissed with irony by Stanishev, who told reporters that even when there was only one candidate for a post there had to be a vote because it showed the support the nominee could rely on.

Day two
Once Stanishev was secured as the party leader, delegates were entrusted with electing the 181 members of the party’s supreme council, the body that from now on will be known as the national council. This is the body in charge of operational works that basically dictates party policy. Before the congress began, the media was full of conspiracy theories about Stanishev trying to put acolytes on the council to limit the influence of former ministers Roumen Ovcharov and Roumen Petkov, who had been forced to resign over corruption allegations.

In his report Stanishev did not name the two “Roumens”, but he did say that party figures had been subject to unproven slanders which he, as leader, would not tolerate unless supported by hard evidence. Some interpreted this as Stanishev’s support for the two former ministers’ future in the BSP who later saw themselves elected on the council. Not only that, but the promised generational change in the council for which Stanishev campaigned in the days before the congress did not happen. In reality, the council kept its balance between “old” and “new”, so allowing Stanishev to say that a compromise had been reached.

The only “old” face excluded from the council was Ilya Bozhinov, an unreconstructed leftwinger who had criticised Stanishev’s sometimes right-wing policy such as the controversial introduction of a 10 per cent income flat tax rate.

Conflict of interest
As expected, the congress adopted a decision to ban party officials from becoming mayors, cabinet ministers, members of Bulgarian and European Parliaments, regional governors and heads of state agencies. Although this decision was expected in light of the recently adopted Conflict of Interest Act most of the BSP officials such as Economy Minister Petar Dimitrov questioned whether this was the most pressing issue the congress had to address. Again a compromise was reached and delegates voted in favour of the ban but stipulated a gratis period of four years until its enforcement.